Faster population (ranked 134th) as authoritarian. And on current growth is associated with slower per capita property rights protections, a ranking sponsored income growth and slower improvement in other by the Wall Street Journal and Heritage Foundation development indicators; lower fertility increases placed Ghana 50 on a scale of 100 and CIV just 30. family incentives and resources for education. But Critics point out limits and flaws of these sources, the geographic distribution of population does but they are consistent and do conform to a com- not seem to have particularly strong political mon observation that institutional quality has got- implications. For example, Jeffrey Herbst classifies ten worse in CIV and improved in Ghana. So this, both Ghana and CIV as among just 7 of 40 sub- too, must be better understood. Is it because things Saharan African countries with a “neutral political had gotten so bad in Ghana that reform became geography.” the only option? Extreme Inequality As explained in Chapter 5 (and Ethnolinguistic Fractionalization Another feature introduced in Chapter 2), extreme inequality can associated in the economics literature with low retard the development process. The World Bank incomes and growth is ethnolinguistic fractional- estimates that in 1987, the Gini was .354 in Ghana ization, with some social scientists also pointing out and .404 in CIV. By 2002, the Gini in CIV was the potential dangers of religious fractionalization. estimated at .484, a substantial rise, and 408 in In fact, both countries are fairly highly Ghana, a significant though more modest rise.
As fractionalized, but CIV more so. Both countries have an Akan majority (45% in Ghana and 42% in CIV) and many smaller groups. In Ghana, the population civ was rated 0.86 and Ghana 0.31, with the range in Africa from a low of ‘For example, according to the 1997 basic Fasterly-Levine (TLF) measure, is 69% Christian and 16% Muslim, but in CIV, 0.04 for Burundi to 0.9 for Congo and Uganda. On the widely cited 2003 adherents are much more evenly divided, with 39% Alcsina ct al. altcrnative me CIV is 0.82 and Ghana 0.67 in a range from II. to 0.93. These are the wal haseline measures med hy develop Muslim and 33% Christian. Although scholars ment economists, but the one measure of the seven prints in the other di- debate the proper way to measure fractionalization, rection: the 1999 measure of Fearon, on which CIV is 0.78 and Ghana 0.85 252 Frances Stewart wrote, inequalities-economic, centralized French strategy and a decentralized social, and political can make nations vulnerable British strategy may plausibly be expected. to severe conflict when they coincide with ethnic or The evidence does reflect a more decentralized “cultural” differences, in which case “culture could rule in British Ghana and more centralized rule in become a powerful mobilizing agent that can lead French Côte d’Ivoire. But if centralized rule is then to a range of political disturbances” (see Chapter 14). transmitted to the postcolonial regime, the result Arnim Langer points out that the combination of can be a state with too few checks and balances. De- relatively high and rising inequality in CTV coupled centralized rule, in contrast, provides better incen- with rising ethnic tensions (that political actors had tives and checks against large-scale government deliberately made worse) led to the conflict that corruption (see Chapter 11). The postcolonial record broke out there in the early 2000s. is complex but shows continued strong tendencies toward centralization in CIV, although the after- Common Law versus Civil Law? As a former British math of civil strife increases uncertainty about the colony, Ghana’s legal system is based on common future course (indeed there is some risk that CIV law, while the legal system in Côte d’Ivoire is may face a prolonged period as a failed state). As based on French civil law. Since the late 1990s, the Catherine Boone notes in her richly detailed study view that common law legal systems provide a of both countries, the case of Ghana is subtle with better foundation than civil law systems for the initial but far from fully successful postcolonial development of the financial system has been very government attempts at more centralization, proba- influential. Authors in this literature such as Rafael bly in part to wrest a larger share of agricultural La Porta and his colleagues argue either that common revenues, but in 1992 there was reinstatement of law better protects property rights, better enforces at least a ceremonial role—and unofficially a much contracts, offers more predictability, or that it is better larger role—for chiefs and other traditional village able to adapt to changes in economic conditions. governance. This built on long traditions that were Investment is generally necessary for economic not systematically undermined under the British growth (Chapters 3 and 4), and the development of the way they were under the French an effective financial system encourages investment (Chapter 15).
Some evidence supports the prediction that civil law countries will experience less financial Education Some scholars consider education of development and lower rates of investment. But central importance in explaining economic growth; differences between French and British institutions Edward Glaeser and coauthors even argue that besides the legal system may be important. improved education can result in improved institutions. Educational attainment was abysmal French versus British Rule? The British Empire is in both nations at the time of independence. One of commonly considered to have preferred indirect the most striking postcolonial differences between rule, relying on its ability to dominate local the countries is the higher level of educational traditional political systems rather than to create attainment in Ghana, where there have been greater new ones (possibly related common law investments in education. In early years after tradition). In contrast, the French are said to have independence there was strong policy attention to tended to employ direct rule of their colonies, providing basic education in some of the poorer introducing their own centralized administrative areas in Ghana. In 2010, according to UNDP structures, perhaps related to their own legal and statistics the mean years of schooling was more historical traditions. Tactics might well have been than twice as high in Ghana (at 7.1), than in CIV (at similar regardless of the colonizer if conditions 3.3). Education is intrinsically valuable as reflected strongly favored central rule or indirect rule. But in the I IDI; it has apparently been a factor in faster where starting conditions were similar in both growth and may even figure in later institutional colonies and when local advantages of either improvements. Ghana has also had recent success centralization or decentralization are not strong, a scaling up basic health insurance.
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